To become governor, Munson must build a coalition extending far beyond Oklahoma Democrats. If elected, she would need another coalition to enact much of her agenda at the Capitol.
By Tim Allen, Managing Editor
Cyndi Munson’s answer to a special education teacher Monday opened a window on the political world in which she would have to operate.
The Democratic nominee for governor remains opposed to Oklahoma’s private-school tax credit. But when the teacher asked what repeal would mean for families using it, Munson said she would talk with Republican lawmakers about tighter income limits and directing assistance toward lower-income families and students with special needs.
“I’m happy to have those conversations,” Munson said.
Our story Wednesday examined the exchange and the tax-credit program itself. The broader question for this column is why those conversations would be unavoidable for Munson.
She would need to build a coalition extending beyond Democrats before she ever reached the Governor’s Mansion—and another with Republican legislators if she got there.
The first coalition
Munson, a legislator in her 12th year at the Capitol, understands the arithmetic. One in four registered voters in Oklahoma is a Democrat. Republicans account for more than half.
Oklahoma has not elected a Democratic governor since Brad Henry won a second term in 2006. To assemble a winning statewide coalition, Munson must compete for independents and persuade some voters who ordinarily support Republicans.
That makes a discussion of how a Gov. Munson might work with the Legislature sound a little like debating how many angels can dance on the head of a pin.
Three weeks ago, this column examined the electoral math. Recent election results and voter registration give Munson a considerably narrower path than Republican Mike Mazzei. Still, how each major-party nominee would govern remains part of the decision voters are being asked to make.
The second coalition
Winning would present Munson with another math problem.
Republicans now hold 81 of the 101 seats in the House and 40 of the 48 seats in the Senate. November will determine the precise margins. The current numbers illustrate the scale of the coalition Munson would need.
A governor can propose a budget, make appointments, direct agencies under the governor’s control and veto legislation. But changing a tax credit, tax rates or most other major policies requires legislation.
Munson has spent her entire legislative career in the minority. She knows that stating a position and finding enough votes to change the law are different assignments.
Her position on the private-school tax credit remains repeal. Monday’s answer did not identify a compromise, but it left room to discuss what might be achievable if Republican lawmakers refused to eliminate the program.
A Democratic governor surrounded by Republican lawmakers could hold firmly to every campaign position and accomplish little to nothing. Moving the law in her preferred direction would require finding some area of agreement with lawmakers from the opposing party.
Compromise would not guarantee better policy. But when the governor and overwhelming legislative majorities belong to different parties, negotiation is the only available path to changing the law through the Legislature.
A different governing coalition
Mazzei would not govern by fiat, either.
He would begin with an advantage: Members of his party control both chambers. But that does not mean they would automatically enact everything he proposed.
Stitt’s numerous disputes with Republican legislative leaders have shown the difference between partisan control and gubernatorial control. Lawmakers have their own constituencies, priorities and factions. They do not become default loyalists of the governor when they take the oath of office.
The difference is that Mazzei would negotiate primarily within his own party. Munson would have to negotiate across party lines from day one.
Monday’s exchange did not tell us whether Munson can build either coalition. It did show her acknowledging that conversations would not be optional.
Her path to the Governor’s Mansion runs through voters who are not Democrats. Her path to governing would run through legislators who are Republicans.
Either way, “I’m happy to have those conversations” would have to be more than an answer during a telephone town hall. It would have to become the job.
